topics: |  india | china | ancient | buddhism |

Chinese studies at Visva-Bharati

Tagore was instrumental in nourishing an intellectual engagement with
China, founding a school for Chinese and Tibetan studies at Visva-Bharati
University, Shantiniketan, whose goal was

	To bring into more intimate relation with one another, through
	patient study and research, the different cultures of the East on the
	basis of their underlying unity.

Tagore had been influenced by Kazuko Okakura who spent a few months with the
Tagore family in 1901-02, and his views of a pan-Asia syncretism, as a force
opposing the dominant western nationalism, was very popular among the bengal
intelligentsia.


chinese painter li lin-chia's impression of Tagore at the Great Wall.
Right: with the poet Hsu Chih-mo at a lecture in Hangzhou Lake.


Meera Viswanathan in the Routledge encyclopedia of philosophy:
Okakura's Ideals of the East (1903), is based on his extensive travels in
    Asia, and deals with traditional Asian art and thought beginning in China
    and India and reaching its ultimate flowering, he argues, in Japan.

Okakura’s most famous work, The Book of Tea (1906), begins with a comparative
    history of tea-drinking and preparation, and goes on to elucidate the
    philosophy of tea culture as it developed in Japan, which in his view
    underlies traditional Japanese aesthetics.)

Tagore's vision: a pan-Asian syncretism

Tagore viewed India as the fittest place for a pan-Asian emergence, since
India had been exposed to ideas from Vedic, Buddhist, Zoroastrian, and
other cultures...  He tried to present these ideas to audiences in Japan
and China during his visits there (Japan several times since 1916, China
primarily in 1924, and a brief visit in 1928) - but reaction there was
cool.

Nonetheless, Tagore hoped that he could set up his university to serve as a
bridge for the long-lost intellectual camaraderie between india and her
eastern neighbours.  This global view was reflected in the name of the
university - Visva = earth, universe; bhArat(I) = india(n).

As part of the inauguration of the Visva-Bharati University where he
invited Chinese scholars and also noted Western scholars on China such as
Sylvain Levi, who was at Shantiniketan from Nov 1921 to Aug 1922, and helped
set up the school.  Eventually, Levi tried to disabuse Tagore of his
notions of a pan-Asian brotherhood of peace.  Levi, who was the same age as
Tagore, wrote to him frankly:

	Ah, Tagore, whatever you are born, you are not a prophet! You believe
	that the West is waiting for a message of peace from the East.  East
	is lacking peace more than West.  About India I shall not say
	anything, you know enough of it.  China is a hell, a paradise of
	looting, fighting, killing, soldiers and robbers are one big companhy
	living on poor peasants and merchants.  Japan is passing through a
	tremendous crisis, social as well as financial... you are a dreamer,
	the most delightful of dreamers...
					  [quoted in Dutta & Robinson p.247]

Chinese studies at Visva Bharati - early years

While the dream of the Eastern synthesis behind the university may have
been flawed, the school did promote a new interest between India and China.

Indian scholars to emerge from this school included Prabodh Chandra Bagchi
and Probhat Mukherji.  Bagchi became well-known for his studies of chinese
history, and would later be a vice-chancellor of the university.

prabhAt mukhopAdhyAy was an early associate of the Chinese and Tibetan
school while serving as librarian at the pATha-bhavan school.  he later
became known for his celebrated 4 volume biography of tagore, "rabindra
jIbanI", completed after 25 years of research.

this volume is an early expression of prabhAt mukhopadhyay's wide ranging
interests.  while mukhopAdhyAy's wide reading is apparent in the ease with
which he is able to link ideas from chinese texts with the corresponding
sanskrit and pali sources, at times, he finds it difficult to transcend the
nitti-gritties and form an overview of the history he is relating.  Thus,
most of the book becomes a long series of who translated what text, and how
much indian influence was retained in the process by which chinese buddhism
integrated ideas from Taoism, in the development of chinese buddhist
schools.

Today, the average Indian is aware of how buddhism spread from India to
China, but the actual "Indian" content of Eastern Buddhism remains unknown.
While much has been written on this history by westerners, the specific
question of what ideas are preserved in the Chinese traditions remains hard
to analyze.  Thus, the views of Indian scholars, who would focus more on
such topics are needed, and texts such as this work are pioneers in this
domain.   Unfortunately, there has not been much work since this early
initiative from Tagore's days, and these early books often treat the material
at a superficial descriptive level, failing to draw broader conclusions (as
in this work), or appear biased (as in much of PC Bagchi's work).

interestingly. mukhopAhdhyAy never completed college, and obtained the
position of librarian at shantiniketan only because tagore - never a
respecter of certificates - noticed his qualities.  today such a step would
be impossible at the much-bureaucratized visva-bhArati (or, for that matter
any other institution).  This partly reflects the causes of our
difficulties in nourishing top-level academics in india.

Excerpts

About Chinese translations

It must be borne in mind by our readers that with the Chinese, the study of
Sanskrit and Buddhism was not undertaken as an academic refinement or for
an economic gain, but was studied with the intense sincerity of a devotee.
Thousands of pilgrims from different parts of Asia came to India at a time
when channels of communication were neither attractive nor
pleasant for such undertaking.

Generally the translation was made with the help of interpreters, who had
imperfect knowledge of Buddhist terminology; the translator himself, for his
want of good knowledge of Chinese, could hardly detect the imperfect
expressions used by the interpreters.  It took them several centuries to
develop a Buddhist vocabulary.  The Chinese translations are not so literal
as the Tibetan.  Of course there are literal Chinese translations of Sanskrit
texts ; but they are unreadable and a Chinese scholar would hardly read
them. The Chinese love literature and are very particular about [literary]
style. That is why, I believe, we find a book with several translations done
at different periods.

When the translation was undertaken at the instance of an emperor several
boards were formed to superintend the work; some to see the correctness of
the interpretation of the Sanskrit text, some to see the use of correct
idioms and some to look to the literary finish of the whole. This, it must be
admitted, is the best method of rendering one language into another, when the
two are so different as Sanskrit from Chinese. p.iii

(also see translations by Jinagupta [d.600] under the Sui emperors, p.192-3)

References to China in ancient indian texts

Sanskrit literature abounds with references to China (uses the romanized
sanskrit, "Cina" throughout) but as the chronology of Indian books is very
difficult to fix, we cannot definitely say how early the Hindus came to
know of China. The Mahabharata mentions the name several times, so does
kAlidAsa in his works; KauTilya knew China ; Caraka, Varahamihira also
mention the Cina people among the peoples inhabiting north-west India.

FN: Mahabharata references to Cina: referred to as a people sprung from
	vashiSTha's cow. They are mentioned with the Kiratas and Balhi{ka),
	Yavanas and Kambojas. The Cinas brought presents at the rAjasuya
	sacrifice of YudhiSThira. On the way from Himalaya to king SubAhu the
	PANDavas cossed the country of the Cinas. p.3

India in Chinese records

The knowledge of the Chinese about India is more definite.  Chinese term for
India : T'ien-Chu ; older: Shen-tu or Sien (or Hsien)-tu. The earliest use of
Shen-tu was made by the Chinese envoy Chang-k'ien (ll C. 123}. It is the
opinion of Chinese writers, adopted and repeated hy western scholars, that
the Shin-tu of Chaug-K'ien was India.  It has been held that all the other
designations for India in Chinese books such as Hien-tu, Kan-tu, Kuan
(Yuan)-tu, T'ien-chu, Tien-tu and Yin-tu are only phonetic corruptions of
Shen-tu.  Hiuen Tsang pretends to give the correct pronunciation as Yin-tu -
from Indu, which in Sanskrit means 'moon.'  But this is a clear instance of
wrong etymology...

We read that about B. C. 121, during the Emperor Hiao-Wu (140-80 B. C.) of
the early Han Dynasty, an image of some deity was secured in Central Asia and
brought to China.  It is said to have been brought by a victorious general
from a Hun chieftain, who was in the habit of worshipping it.  This image was
indeed one of Buddha. [Giles. Confucianism and its rivals - Hibbert Lectures,
p. 165-10.]

In the Annals of the Liang dynasty, we are told that during the time of
Emperor Ho (89-105 A. D.) of the Han Dynasty several embassies from India
came to China through Central Asia.  Afterwards under Huan-ti ( 117-167
A. D.) the embassies from India came by the southern seas. (Pelliot-Le Funan,
1903, p. 27).

The first historical reference to tho introduction of Buddhism is met with in
an historical work called Wei-lio written between A.D. 239 and 265. It gives
a history of the Western countries of China and furnishes a brief account of
Buddha's birth...

Tho starting point of Sino-Indian intercourse is generally put at A.D. 64.
The legendary chronicles tell us that the Emperor Ming (A.D. 58-75) of the
eastern Han dynasty (B.C. 20- 221 A. D.) once dreamt that a golden man came
flying into the palace, and the Emperor then enquired of his courtiers the
meaning of that dream. One of them immediately informed him that it was the
sage of the west, called Buddha (Fo or Fo-lo).

Ming-ti was so much impressed by the dream that he sent an embassy consisting
of Ts'ai-Yin, Ts'in-King, Wang-Tsuan and others to India to bring Buddhist
scriptures and priests. The party returned in A.D. 64 with two Indian monks
named in Chinese Kia-yeh Mo-t'ang and Chu Fa-lan (kAshyapa mAtanga and
Dharmaratna). [p.6]

kAshyapa mAtanga according to legend, was a native of Central India ; he was
a great adept in the hInAyana literature. It is said that he had gone to
Southern India to preach the Dharma.  His companion Dharmaratna was also a
native of Central India and a man well-known for erudition.

They may be the creators of the earliest chinese work on Buddhism - the
sutra of the 42 Sections, which summarized (1) the legends of Buddha's
life; (2) his teachings ; (3) a short statement of Buddhist principles ;
(4) a summary of a discourse hy Buddha on the purity of life required by
monks ; (5) rules of asceticism to be followed by aspirants to perfections.

[wiki Sutra of Forty-two Chapters: "According to tradition, it was
translated by two Yuezhi monks, Kasyapa Matanga (迦葉摩騰) and Dharmaratna
(竺法蘭), in 67 CE."  Yuezhi is the Kushana empire, spreading from
W Pakistan into Uighur land (todays Xinjiang), speaking the now extinct
language, Tocharian.  This would then challenge PKM's premise that they were
from India. ]

This work does not seem to have existed in the original Sanskrit ; but the
intelligent translator extracted passages from different Buddhist canonical
works.'  [p9]

excerpts:

The Buddha said, 'He who has left his family to follow the
Law, is called (Sha-men) shramaNa. He observes two hundred and
fifty rules. According to the effort made and the purity acquired,
four stages can be attained.

"The highest stage, that of the arhan (a-lo-han), confers the
power of flying in the air and of transforming one's self at will.
The second stage is that of the anAgamnin (a-nan-han).

"After death, the soul of the anagamin ascends to one of the
nineteen heavens, where it will attain the stage of arhan. The
third stage is that of the sakr^dAgamin (ssu-to-han}. After his
death the sakrdagamin will ascend to one of the heavens, be
born again and become an arhan on the earth during its first
terrestrial life. The fourth stage is that of the srotApanna (hsu-to-heng),
who will become an arhan after seven deaths and seven
re-births.

The sramaNa does not shave, renounces all property, begs
his food from day to day, passes the night under a tree and never
two nights under the same. And all that, in order to extinguish
affection and desire, which bind and infatuate human beings.

[possible source: dIgha nikaya]
see text at http://www.sacred-texts.com/journals/jras/os19-14.htm


Regular missionary activities of t.he Buddhists began in China from the
middle of the second century A.D. Many of those monks were not of Indian
origin, but Buddhist monks of Central Asia. The most renowned of tho earliest
batch of missionaries was a monk from Parthia
Shi-Kao, which may be the Chinese version of a buddhist name, [PKM suggests
Lokottama]  (Parthia = NW Iran, Pallavas); Shi-Kao = An Shigao

Fa-Hien and his travels (5th c.)

With Fa-Hien began a period of intercourse between China and India, the
importance of which we cannot fully appreciate in the present age of
internationalism. Till the end of the fourth century A.D., the Chinese had no
direct contact with Indians although they met in China and Central Asia,
Parthian, Saka and Kuchean [Kushana] Buddhists and sometimes Buddhist
preachers from India. But no Chinese monk before Fa-Hien had ever left China
for India. The year 399 A.D., the last year of the fourth century, was when
the first batch of Chinese youth wended their way towards India.  The pioneer
of this new movement was Fa-hien, who left China in A.D. 399 and returned in
A. D. 114 after a sojourn of fifteen years.  The life of this monk is
important for our purpose. p.61

Fa-hien was born in the district of modern Shan-si. In his early childhood he
was put in a monastery by his parents.  When his parents died, he took
ordination formally and at once made himself distinguished amongst the monks
by his spirit of faith and zeal for discipline or rules of vinaya.  vinaya
was very imperfectly known and followed in the Chinese monasteries, as no one
had any first-hand knowledge of the actual working of a monastery. Fa-hien
keenly felt this deficiency and resolved to go to India to learn the
viuaya. He left Chang-an in A.D. 399, crossed the Gobi desert and had to wait
at Turfan for the opportunity of joining a caravan. He then arrived at Khotan
after crossing the Taklamakan desert by a painful march of thirty-five days.
Khotan was, since the first century, a Buddhist country. It is said that a
single convent had more than three-thousand monks. It is here that Fa-hien
observed the discipline of a monastery.  The orderly behaviour of the monks,
so different from the Chinese monks, was a revelation to him...

From Khotan the Chinese pilgrim wont to Kashmir in fifty-four stages and then
following the course of the Indus to the Punjab. He passed through the
northern states of India, visiting the convents and holy places. He studied
the vinaya rules of various communities, copied their rules and read their
books in the Vihara libraries. Finally he descended down the Ganges to its
mouth and studied in Bengal for a few years. From Tamralipti, the port of
Bengal, he embarked on a ship and came to Ceylon, the stronghold of
SthaviravAdin and mahAsanghika Buddhists;, where he carried on his studies
for several years. Here he collected a large number of manuscripts.

After fifteen years of travel and keen observation he embarked on a trading
Hindu merchantman, which was caught by a terrific storm and the Hindu
merchants wanted to throw away his Buddhist manuscripts which they thought
were responsible for the pending disaster.  The storm however subsided and
his valuable treasures were spared.  He stepped at Java for five months, when
he got on another Hindu trading vessel proceeding to China.  The ship touched
at Shantung.  The governor of the place gave Fa-hien a hearty welcome and had
him brought to Nanking, the capital of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Fa-hien
devoted the rest of his life to the promotion of monastic discipline in the
monasteries of South China. He died at the age of 86.

Fa-hien has been immortalized for Li-yu-tien-shu-ki-shuan, (Nanjio, 1476) in
which he records his travels in the Buddhist kingdoms. In this work he has
described the flourishing condition of Buddhism in Ceylon and Central Asia,
among the Uigurs and the tribes residing near the Caspian Sea and in
Afghanisthan. About his travels and dangerous expedition through Central
Asia, Giles remarks, "in the glow of which the journeys of St. Paul molt into
insignificance".  At the end of his book on travels, Fa-hien is said to have
remarked the following about his own work :

	When I look back on what [ have gone through, my heart is
	involuntarily moved, and the perspiration flows forth. That I
	encountered danger and trod the most perilous places, without
	thinking of or sparing myself, was because I had a definite aim, and
	thought of nothing but to do my best in my simplicity aud
	straightforwarducss. Thus it was that I exposed my life where death
	seemed inevitable, if I might accomplish but a ten-thousandth part of
	what I hoped.
		- A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms ebooks.adelaide.au