book excerptise:   a book unexamined is wasting trees

A concise history of modern India

Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf

Metcalf, Barbara D.; Thomas R. Metcalf;

A concise history of modern India

Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Concise Histories), 2006, 376 pages

ISBN 0521863627 9780521863629

topics: |  history | india

The modern period covers the British Raj and independence. The text incorporates a postcolonial view of the British period, as in this quote from chapter 4 on the mutiny and reforms:

Most historians now agree that the rigidities introduced by colonial policy decisively shaped, even distorted, modernity in India. This approach offers a corrective to what was too easily described during the colonial era as the ‘blessings of British rule’, namely the pacification and unification of the country, legal codification, the use of the English language, public works, and a range of social reforms.

Critics of European modernity, among them Britons as well as Indians, even at the time saw the dark side of these changes, among them racism, militarism, and the economic exploitation that was part of the colonial relationship. What coloured those ‘blessings’ above all was a mentality that discounted Indian abilities and aspirations to self-rule, an attitude the historian Francis Hutchins termed the British ‘illusion of permanence’. British rule in the 1830s and 1840s had been founded in Enlightenment notions of universal human destiny and expectations of progress, although, to be sure, even then an authoritarian strain was evident in evangelical and utilitarian reform. But by the 1870s the mood was different, above all in an explicitly authoritarian attitude among colonial officials. They were, for the most part, convinced of an essential difference between British and Indian that justified indefinite control of political power by a ‘superior race’. 94

23 year old District Magistrates

In 1859, John Beames, at age 23, was appointed a magistrate in a province
of Punjab.  This was possible owing to the "patronage power" of the
Company.  He recalls his early days as a wet-behind-the-ears civil servant
in the late 1850s:

   My stock of available knowledge consisted of Persian and Hindustani
   ...Of law and procedure I, of course, knew nothing ... I said as if by
   instinct, ‘Call up the first case’ ... Both these people spoke Panjabi,
   of which I could not understand one word, but the sarishtadar [chief
   clerk] translated it into Hindustani as they spoke, so I got on
   wonderfully well ... I next began to learn Panjabi, for which purpose I
   engaged an old Sikh priest ... Like most Panjabis of those days the good
   Bhai was a kindly, simple-hearted old child ... They are a fine, manly
   race ...

There was no law in the Panjab in those days. Our instructions
were to decide all cases by the light of common sense and our own sense
of what was just and right.

   [Elmslie, his Haileybury classmate and now colleague] and I were in the
   saddle by five in the morning and worked on horseback for two or three
   hours, riding about inspecting police-stations, roads and bridges and
   public building under construction, tree-planting, ferry-boats, settling
   disputes about land and property between villagers, and such like
   business. Or we would walk with our horses led behind us through the
   narrow lanes of the ancient town, accompanied by a crowd of police
   officers, overseers, and others giving orders for sanitary improvements,
   repairing roadways and drains, opening out new streets, deciding disputes
   and a variety of similar matters ... Hard work as usual filled up the
   day. 94

The power entrusted to Beames, at age twenty-three with no experience is
telling. The Jallianwalla Bagh massacre of 1919, evidence of the tragic side
of such official power, is telling as well.  [Punjab leaned more towards
"enlightened despotism" than other parts of the Raj] 95

Railways and post

To reach his first posting, in 1859 Beames rode the train from Howrah to
the end of the line, [ar Raneegunge] only a little over 100 miles at that
point; most of the rest of the way he perched on top of his luggage on a
horse cart, taking some twenty-four days in all to reach the Punjab. 96

india postage stamps, 1937, with scenes of mail delivery. the four lower
value stamps, labelled ‘DAk’, show human and animal carriers, while the
higher values depict mechanized ‘mail’ transport.

in 1848 the Peninsular and Oriental bought the first iron steamers for their
Indian Ocean routes. In the 1830s an exchange of letters between Britain and
India could take two years; by 1870, with the opening of the Suez Canal, a
letter could reach Bombay in only one month.


Throughout 1857, and into 1858, northern India was caught up
in a rebellion that shook the Raj to its foundations.

Paper cartridges

	soldiers [were required] to bite off the end of each cartridge –
	widely reputed to have been greased with pig or cow fat, polluting to
	both Hindus and Muslims.

but "widely reputed" sidesteps the issue of whether Indian troops were
actually issued beef cartridges or not.  See detailed analysis based on
several texts in this summary.

Causes of 1857

As the unrest subsided, an Indian official serving the Raj, Sayyid Ahmad Khan
(1817–98), sought its causes:

   I believe that there was but one primary cause of the rebellion, the
   others being merely incidental and arising out of it. ... all writers
   on the principles of Government agree in it...

   It has been universally allowed that the admittance of the people to a
   share in the Government under which they live, is necessary to its
   efficiency, prosperity, and permanence. [Moreover,] [t]he Natives of
   India, without perhaps a single exception, blame the Government for
   having deprived them of their position and dignity and for keeping them

   What! Have not [the British ICS officers’] pride and arrogance led
   them to consider the Natives of India as undeserving the name of human
   beings...  What! Was not the Government aware that Natives of the very
   highest rank trembled before its officers, and were in daily fear of
   suffering the greatest insults and indignities at their hands? p.100

Raised in a family close to the Mughal court, by 1857 Sayyid Ahmad had spent
twenty years in Company service. He was conspicuously loyal during the
uprising, evacuating the European residents from the town of Bijnor, where he
was serving, and even taking charge of the district on behalf of the British
for some time.  His essay, written in Urdu and subsequently translated into
English, evoked great interest on the part of the British. He correctly
insisted, contrary to British wishful thinking at the time and after, that
the Revolt was not merely a mutiny on the part of disgruntled soldiers.  It
was, rather, he argued, a response to multiple grievances. Among these were
British cultural policies, the severity of revenue assessments, and the
degradation of landed and princely elites, notably the recently exiled nawab
of Oudh.

Above all, Sayyid Ahmad faulted the insolence and contempt for Indians
evinced by the British, and insisted on the importance of a consultative
process that would include them.

Differences between Oudh and other regions

It is important to differentiate between events in the recently annexed
province of Oudh and those in the older, more settled districts.  The revolt
in Oudh, as Rudrangshu Mukherjee has forcibly argued, took on the shape of a
‘popular’ movement, with all classes fighting on behalf of their sepoy
kinsmen and deposed king Wajid Ali Shah.  Most prominent among the revolt's
supporters were the taluqdari landlords, aggrieved by the loss of villages
during the 1856 land settlement, who, from the security of their mud forts,
rallied their followers, kinsmen, and tenants. Although many among the
peasantry had won title to their lands in 1856, to the dismay of the British
they threw in their lot with their former landlords – to have boldly
confronted them would have been foolhardy – and together they marched on
Lucknow to join the siege of the tiny British garrison there.  

The revolt in the adjacent North-Western Provinces was of a different
sort. There, the response to the uprising was shaped by the experience of
fifty years of British rule. As the historian Eric Stokes demonstrated in a
series of careful local studies, those rural magnates who had profited from
the commercial opportunities brought by the British tended to be loyal, even
smothering the sparks of unrest among their tenantry, while those who had
lost wealth and consequence often took advantage of the engulfing anarchy to
join the revolt. Where tightly knit cultivating communities, especially Jat
and Rajput brotherhoods, held the land, they often rose without magnate
leadership to protest the heavy differential revenue assessments laid upon
them. The revolt in the North-Western Provinces can thus usefully be
described as a ‘post-pacification’ revolt, where long festering but diffuse
grievances erupted, by contrast with the ‘primary resistance’ of the Oudh
revolt, where a recently deposed royal family provided leadership. In this
way it is possible to link 1857 to uprisings elsewhere that took place in the
early stages of colonialism, and to distinguish it from the modern,
nationalist protests that followed. 102

British Savagery in the aftermath

	On the march British troops, and even civilians, unleashed
	indiscriminate terror, ravaging the countryside and killing
	randomly.  This racial savagery continued throughout the fighting,
	despite the governor-general Lord Canning's effort – earning him the
	sobriquet ‘Clemency Canning’ – to curb such behaviour in the
	so-called Clemency Proclamation of July 1857. 103

Many Indians remained loyal throughout, and in so doing secured the ultimate
defeat of the revolt.

Not least among these were soldiers from the recently conquered Punjab, who
felt no affection for the Bengal sepoys who had defeated them. In addition,
neither the Bombay Army nor the Madras Army rebelled, so insuring that
southern Revolt, the modern state, and colonized subjects, 1848–1885 103
India remained quiet. Among the most visibly ‘loyal’ were those, like the
Bengali intelligentsia, who had had Western education, together with
Bengal’s zamindars, tied to the Raj by the Permanent Settlement that secured
their prosperity. India’s ruling princes too, i

End of Company rule

On 2 August 1858 the British Parliament passed the Government
of India Act, transferring all the authority of the East India Company
to the British Crown.

The patronage power of appointment had been replaced by a civil service exam
in 1853.

The pattern of twenty-year charter reviews now gave way to regular
parliamentary scrutiny of Indian affairs. A cabinet member, the Secretary of
State for India, advised by a Council of India, was given authority for the
government of India. In India supreme authority was vested in the Viceroy,
the title assumed by Governor-General Canning when Queen Victoria proclaimed
these changes to the ‘Princes, Chiefs, and People of India’ in November 1858.

The change to Crown rule also ushered in an elaboration of bureaucratic and
technical structures, a change taking place in Britain as well in this
period, from police and sanitation to forestry and finance. This last was a
subject of immediate attention given the financial costs of the revolt, all
of which were charged to India.

Victoria's proclamation [also] responded to presumed causes of the revolt. In
a reversal of Dalhousie's policy, the proclamation guaranteed the princes
their titles. No longer were limits put on adoptions: princely ‘rights,
dignity and honour’, as well as control over their territory, would be
respected. This meant that about one-third of the people of India were, until
the end of the Raj, to remain under the ‘indirect rule’ of some 500

And the proclamation explicitly repudiated any ‘desire to impose our
convictions on any of our subjects’ and enjoined ‘all those who may be in
authority under us’ to abstain from interference with Indian religious belief
or worship. ‘Due regard’ would be paid to ‘the ancient rights, usages, and
customs of India’.

The theory of rule enunciated in this proclamation contained an implicit
contradiction. On the one hand, there was the language of a feudal order that
stressed the role of hereditary leaders.  By so doing the British sought, for
the most part successfully, to make of India's princes and large landlords a
conservative bulwark for the Raj.

On the other hand, the proclamation also expressed a conception of politics
associated with British parliamentarism and the liberal political theory of
such men as Macaulay. Its inauguration inevitably would undermine the
hereditary rulers.

In 1859, Lord Canning undertook a series of tours, holding courts, called
‘durbars’ in superficial emulation of Mughal practice, to recognize not only
loyal princes but also landlords, among them the large landlords of Oudh, now
invested with honours and titles as aristocratic bulwarks of British rule. In
Bernard Cohn's words, already incipient was ‘a social order established
with the British Crown seen as the centre of authority, and capable of
ordering into a single hierarchy all its subjects’.

British racism

The uprising intensified British racism. Suspect sepoys were blown
from cannons...

Coupled with the trial for treason and exile of the emperor, the previous
regime and its rulers were effectively ‘desacralized’. Muslims were
initially prime targets of British distrust as ‘fanatics’ who would try to
restore Muslim rule.  Within two decades, however, Muslim aristocrats came
to be seen, like the princes, as pillars of loyalty, a role not uncommon in
authoritarian settings where ‘minority’ loyalties are cultivated. In this
transition Sayyid Ahmad Khan played a central role. In Aligarh in 1875 he
established the Anglo-Muhammadan College, an Englishstyle institution that
cultivated gentlemanly skills and conservative politics intended to produce
the kind of people appropriate to the loyal consultative regime he had
advocated in 1858. p.106

The British never conceived of the rebel leaders as honourable opponents,
but rather lumped them all together as ‘disloyal’,

Nana Sahib's murder of British women in particular stirred a fierce

This act left an enduring legacy in Victorian paintings and mass market
novels filled with lurid accounts of rape and mutilation that threatened the
‘purity’ of British womanhood. John Beames, travelling to Punjab two years
after the revolt, wrote of his passage through Cawnpore:

	The fading daylight lasted long enough to enable me to take a
	hurried glance at the ghastly place; a desolate, sandy waste it then
	was. The dreadful well [where the bodies of women and children were
	thrown] was marked by a few boards, the walls of the roofless houses
	were riddled with shot and tottering; ruins, flies, evil odours and
	general misery and distress were all one could see . . . [a]
	horrible place.
		[John Beames, Memoirs of a Bengal Civilian (London: Chatto
		and Windus, 1961; reprint New Delhi: Manohar, 1984)]

Aside: Colonial and Postcolonial views of this episode

[This colonial legacy continues well into the 20th c., when it is very
clear that Nana's complicity in the butchery is far from clear.

As an example, we have in the novel Massacre at Cawnpore by
V. A. Stuart (1973):

	"All know the Nana Sahib's command," Savur Khan reminded them. "It
	must be obeyed. None may be spared."  Armed with tulwars and meat
	cleavers, the men followed him into the shadowed room . . .  It was
	dark when they finally emerged and the heart-rending cries and
	shrieks, which had issued from behind the shuttered windows of the
	Bibigarh since they had entered it, faded at length into a deathly
	silence. 221

What was established after the British enquiries was that the murders of the women in the Bibighar were carried out under the orders of a shadowy woman - possibly a courtesan called Ghaseti Begum. The sepoys guarding the british women and childre had in fact refused to carry out the murders.

As for the motives behind the killing of the women, Indian historians such as Mukherjee have noted that at the time, British forces were indiscriminately killing natives in the region. In Allahabad, every evening, carts would go around disposing of the dead bodies hanging from trees. As the troops were marching to Kanpur, thousands of natives in the villages along the way were indiscriminately dishonoured by subjecting them to pork or beef, before being strung up on the trees lining the grand trunk road.

The people of kanpur were all new immigrants from this hinterland, and the news of such savagery back in their villages surely affected them terribly. If the British took the killing of a few hundred of their own so emotionally that it still rings a nerve, would not the senseless butchery acorss hundreds of Indian villages, killing several million people over Oudh, result in fierce anger among the contemporary Kanpur inhabitants?

While nothing can justify the killing of women and children, Rudrangsu Mukherjee draws our attention to this asymmetry of violence in his Spectre of violence (1998). He argues that asymmetry in violence was a hallmark of colonialism. Killing and rape and other violence against the body of the native was not only common, but a marker of the colonial power structure. Violence against the ruling race was a source for intense emotion.

Recurring images of the violence at Kanpur

[This act and the hysteria that followed - some "eye-witness"
accounts invented stories of rape of white women (see
Biswamoy Pati's The 1857 Rebellion: Debates, p.xiv.) -
left an enduring legacy in Victorian paintings and mass market novels
filled with lurid accounts of torture, rape and mutilation and images of
the threatened ‘purity’ of British womanhood. John Beames, travelling to
Punjab two years after the revolt, wrote of his passage through Cawnpore:

    The fading daylight lasted long enough to enable me to take a hurried
    glance at the ghastly place; a desolate, sandy waste it then was. The
    dreadful well [where the bodies of women and children were thrown] was
    marked by a few boards, the walls of the roofless houses were riddled
    with shot and tottering; ruins, flies, evil odours and general misery and
    distress were all one could see ... [a] horrible place.

This exaggerated British view of the Kanpur violence lives on even today,
perhaps. Here is historian Eric Stokes, writing more than a century later:
	At Kanpur (Cawnpore) fifty miles to the South, the historical
	tradition is darker.  The Sati Chaura Ghat with its Siva temple still
	bears the ominous title of Massacre Ghat, and the air seems loaded
	with menace.  - The peasant armed: the Indian revolt of 1857 (1986)

as Rudrangshu Mukherjee says in Spectre of violence:
" Violence looms over Kanpur and over writings about it."

Rudrangshu quotes from Eric Stokes and Christopher Bayly: The peasant armed:
the Indian revolt of 1857:

    [In Lucknow, the rebellion still resonates...  Havelock's grave is still kept
    neat and tended.]

The memorial at the Bibighar well.  After independence both the statue of the
angel and the wall behind it were transferred to the all-soul's church.  The
angel now lies in forgotten glory on the south verandah of the church.

Victorian emphasis on "caste"

The most important identity for Victorian anthropologists of India was
‘caste’, taken as a concrete, measurable ‘thing’ that could be fitted into a
hierarchy able to be ascertained and quantified in reports and surveys. The
increasing systematization of caste was closely connected with the use of
photography, whose ‘exact’ images complemented the search for scientific
precision. ‘Characteristic specimens’ could exemplify precise measures of
physiognomy, dress, and manners. The first major compilation of such
photographs was The Peoples of India, published by the Government of India in
1868 in eight volumes.

e.g. Banjaras, nomadic herdsmen and traders, [were described as] having ‘a
reputation for perfect honesty’, but they were later relegated to the
status of ‘criminal tribe’, a reminder of the fantasy that passed for

The caste ‘system’ is thus one of the countless parameters of life in India
that is a product of modern change, as are other aspects of social life,
not least the powerful position of princes, magnates, and gentry, bolstered
by administrative action then, and now too often identified as
‘traditional’. 112

Indian reception of British rule

In 1877, shortly after Victoria had assumed the title of Empress of India,
[Keshab Chandra Sen] gave a speech in Calcutta:

    Loyalty shuns an impersonal abstraction ... We are right then if our
    loyalty means not only respect for law and the Parliament, but personal
    attachment to Victoria, Queen of England and Empress of India [Applause]

    ... Do you not recognize the finger of special providence in the
    progress of nations?  Assuredly the record of British rule in India is
    not a chapter of profane history, but of ecclesiastical history [Cheers]

    ... All Europe seems to be turning her attention in these days toward
    Indian antiquities, to gather the priceless treasures which lie buried in
    the literature of Vedism and Buddhism.  Thus while we learn modern
    science from England, England learns ancient wisdom from India.

many figures of like background spoke in what was for the most part the
language of British liberal politics.

[key concepts] such as – ‘loyalty’, ‘law and the Parliament’, ‘personal
attachment’, ‘the progress of nations’, ‘modern Revolt, the modern state, and
colonized subjects, 1848–1885 115 science’, and ‘ancient wisdom from India’
... structured discourse in a variety of genres, not only in English but in
the vernaculars, where newspapers and journals, public speaking, debates,
petitions, tracts, and novels were shaping many Indian languages into their
modern forms. 114-115

Montagu reforms and Dyarchy

In August 1917 Edwin Montagu announced that the objective of British rule in
India would be the ‘gradual development of self-governing institutions with a
view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an
integral part of the British Empire’.  This declaration decisively repudiated
the old ‘durbar’ model of Indian politics.  India would instead follow the
path already chalked out by the white-settler dominions of Canada, Australia,
and New Zealand. Inevitably, too, it meant that, rather than disdaining the
educated as an unrepresentative minority, the British would repose in them
the confidence due future leaders of India. p.167

[Part of the reforms were an] ingenious constitutional device called dyarchy,
which split the functions of government into two. Although the central
government, situated in the spacious garden city of New Delhi, now under
construction, remained wholly under British control, in the provinces some
areas, among them agriculture and education, along with responsibility for
raising the necessary taxes, were transferred to Indian ministers responsible
to local legislatures. The electorate for these new provincial legislative
bodies was expanded so that it now comprised about one-tenth of the adult
male population.  British governors retained crucial ‘reserved’ subjects,
such as law and order, under their own control.

The reforms might well have been accepted, even by the Congress, had their
enactment not been accompanied by a panic-stricken recourse to coercion on
the part of the British in India.

Rowlatt Acts and Jallianwala Bagh

The spectre of a revival of revolutionary terrorism, together with the
uncertainties of postwar economic dislocation, impelled the government in
early 1919 to continue many of the powers of detention and trial without jury
that had been in force during the wartime emergency. Known as the Rowlatt
Acts, these measures aroused an intense hostility among Indians, to whom they
appeared as a bitter reward for their wartime sacrifices.

In response, Indians adopted new measures of protest, most notably that of a
nationwide hartal, or work stoppage, linked to marches in major cities.  So
effective were these protests, which sometimes spilled over into violence,
that the government in some areas introduced martial law.  In the Punjab city
of Amritsar, the general commanding the local garrison, Reginald Dyer, took
it upon himself on 13 April 1919 to disperse by force an illegal, though
peaceable, crowd gathered in the enclosed Jallianwalla Bagh. Drawing up his
Gurkha troops at the entrance, he fired until some 370 trapped protestors lay
dead and over 1,000 wounded.

This terrible massacre, the worst in the history of the British Raj, was an
isolated incident, yet it became a symbol of colonial injustice, remembered
in speech, song, and drama.

Cover of the Hindi play: Rashtriya Sangit Julmi Daayar – Jallianwalla Bagh,
a play by Manohar Lal Shukla, 1922. depicts ‘Martial Law’ as a policeman
above the female figure of ‘Punjab’ praying for help, the law book of
colonial promise set aside, while ‘Satyagraha’, representing Gandhi, looks
on in despair.

For many among the British, the massacre confirmed widely held assumptions
about how Indians ought to be governed. Dyer, for one, was not repentant. The
firing was justified, he later said, for its ‘moral effect’ in the
Punjab. Indians, like children, when naughty needed to be severely
punished. They were not capable of governing themselves.  Opposition to the
established order could lead only to anarchy. Although the Government of
India forced Dyer to resign his commission, and Montagu staunchly opposed
this recourse to violence, Dyer’s reception on his return to England, where
he was received like a conquering hero and awarded a purse of £30,000,
undercut the effects of the censure.

The massacre, together with the government’s failure wholly to repudiate it –
Gandhi described the investigative report as ‘thinly disguised whitewash’ –
precipitated a wrenching loss of faith in Britain’s good intentions.

As Gandhi wrote in 1920, ‘I can no longer retain affection for a Government
so evilly manned as it is nowadays.’ p.169

Languages of India

Indian currency notes carry the denomination in fifteen languages:
Assamese Bengali Gujarati Kannada Kashmiri Konkani Malayalam
Marathi Nepali Oriya Punjabi Sanskrit Tamil Telugu and Urdu.  (this
slightly older note is missing Konkani and Nepali).

from the Glossary

bhakti An approach to worship and spiritual practice in the Hindu tradition
       characterized by personal devotion to a Divinity, often mediated by
       a holy person or teacher
dalit ‘Down-trodden’, term used by former untouchables to describe their
	community. Has replaced Gandhi's term harijan ‘children of God’ in
	recent decades.
darbar Royal audience, hall of audience, court; executive government of
	a princely state. Also durbar.
diwan The chief civil administrator of an area under the Mughals; diwani,
	civil or revenue administration
factor A commercial agent, here of the East India Company, resident in India;
	the term factory denoted a warehouse for storing trade goods
hartal Closing of all shops in a market as a protest against oppression or
jagir The right to the assessed tax revenue of a piece of land, given for a
	limited term by the Mughals as a reward for service; the holder of a jagir
	is a jagirdar
jizya A poll tax levied on non-Muslims that entitled them to protection
	and freed them from military service
jotedar A revenue collecting intermediary in Bengal, between the peasant
	cultivator and the zamindar
Kayasth North Indian caste group, many of whose members served from
	Mughal times in government bureaucracy and other institutions requiring
	literacy, accountancy, etc.
Khatri North Indian caste group, many of whose members served from
	Mughal times in government bureaucracies and other institutions requiring
	literacy, accountancy, etc.
Khilafat (caliphate) The office or dignity of the caliph; as ‘Khilafat Movement’,
	an organization that sought to secure the position of the Ottoman
	sultan as spiritual leader of all Muslims
mansab A rank within the Mughal state system, carrying with it the obligation
	to supply in a number commensurate with the rank; the holder of
	a mansab is a mansabdar
naib A deputy, as of a governor of a province under the Mughals; title of
peshwa Hereditary Maratha chief minister; from 1720 de facto ruler of
	the Maratha confederacy
pir ‘elder’, founder or head of a sufi order or shrine
presidency The residence of a ‘president’; here used for the three East
	India Company centres of Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta established in
	the seventeenth century
sabha Association or society; assembly, council, court
satyagraha ‘Truth force’, a Gandhian neologism to describe his method of
	dispute settlement based on a shared pursuit of ‘truth’ with an opponent,
	together with mutual respect
Sayyid Muslims who claim descent from the Prophet Muhammad
settlement In British India a revenue term used in the context of
	agricultural taxation to specify an agreement with an individual or
	group for the responsibility to pay a fixed amount of tax on a given
	tract of land; often carried with it effective ownership of the land
Shaikh (1) A title for a sufi master; (2) a Muslim claiming descent
	from the Companions of the Prophet
swadeshi Of ‘one's own land’; used by nationalists to encourage the production
	and use of products made within India
swaraj Self-rule, self-government
zenana The women's quarters of an Indian household

Place names: British and Current usage

Banaras 	Varanasi
Bombay 		Mumbai
Calcutta 	Kolkata
Cawnpore 	Kanpur
Ceylon 		Sri Lanka
Dacca 		Dhaka
Ganges 		Ganga
Jumna 		Yamuna
Madras 		Chennai
Oudh 		Awadh
Poona 		Pune
Simla 		Shimla

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This review by Amit Mukerjee was last updated on : 2015 Sep 15