book excerptise:   a book unexamined is wasting trees

Classifiers: A Typology of Noun Categorization Devices

Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y.;

Classifiers: A Typology of Noun Categorization Devices

Oxford University Press, 2003, 535 pages

ISBN 019926466X, 9780199264667

topics: |  linguistics | classifier |


This impressive typological study is based on a comparison of what
knowledge may be available from the study of 500 languages.  The writing is
rather dry, but for anyone interested in the semantics of gender or
classifier classes, this work holds a wealth of information on similarity and
metaphorical origins of classifier systems. 

What holds my nterests are these semantic aspects which are dealt with at
length and comprises a fascinating study of how languages create
morphological and agreement structures to classify objects according to
categories that often die, leaving the categories inexplicable.  While
subdued in its discussion of metaphor (compare, e.g. George Lakoff's 
Women, fire and dangerous things, 1987)) the text highlights many 
of the same issues, but from a more cross-linguistic perspective.  

Excerpts

Almost all languages have some grammatical means for the linguistic
categorization of nouns and nominals. The term 'classifiers' will be used
here as an umbrella label for a wide range of noun categorization devices.
Different types of classifier can be distinguished by their grammatical
status, degree of grammaticalization, conditions for use, meaning, kinds
of origin, mode of acquisition, and tendencies towards loss.

Grammatical genders vs. Classifier


Classifiers come in different guises.  

1. Noun classes or gender

Some languages have grammatical agreement classes, based on such core
semantic characteristics as animacy, sex, or humanness. These are called
Noun classes, or genders. The number of noun classes varies-from two, as in
Portuguese (examples below), to ten, as in Bantu, or even to several dozen,
as in some South American languages. Examples 1.1 and 1.2, from Portuguese,
illustrate masculine and feminine genders which are marked on the noun
itself and on the accompanying article and adjective.

  1.1   o             menin-o         bonito
        ART:MASC.SG   child-MASC.SG   beautiful-MASC.SG
        'the beautiful boy'
        	        
  1.2   a             menin-a         bonita 
        ART:FEM.SG    child-FEM.SG    beautiful-FEM.SG
        'the beautiful girl'

2. Noun Classifier

A classifier can just categorize the noun by itself, as in the following
example from Yidiny, an Australian language (Dixon 1982: 192 ff.). This is
a NOUN CLASSIFIER.

 1.3 bama            waguja
     CL-PERSON       man   
     'a man'

3. Nominal Classifier

Other languages have special morphemes which only appear next to a
numeral, or a quantifier. They may categorize the referent of a noun in
terms of its animacy, shape, and other inherent properties. These are
NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS.

The way they are used is exemplified with a shopping
list in Japanese (Rie Hasada 1995) given in Table 1.1.

        TABLE 1.1. Shopping list in Japanese
        -----------------------------------------------------------------
        Shopping list      Numeral   Classifier  Meaning of classifier
        -----------------------------------------------------------------
        kyuuri (cucumber)  hachi (8) -hon        CL:ELONGATED
        nasu (eggplant)    nana (7)  -ko         CL:SMALL.EQUIDIMENSIONAL
        hamu (ham)         juu (10)  -mai        CL:SHEETLIKE
        -----------------------------------------------------------------

4. Relational Classifier

A special morpheme in a possessive construction may characterize the
way in which the referent of a possessed noun relates to that of the
possessor. This is illustrated in 1.5 and 1.6, from Fijian, an Austronesian
language (Lichtenberk 1983a: 157-8). Such morphemes, underlined in 1.5
and 1.6, are called RELATIONAL CLASSIFIERS.

   1.5  na  me-qu           yaqona
        ART CL:DRINKABLE-my kava
        'my kava' (which I intend to drink)

   1.6  na  no-qu         yaqona
        ART CL:GENERAL-my kava
        'my kava' (that I grew, or that I will sell)

5. Verbal classifier

VERBAL CLASSIFIERS appear on the verb, but they categorize a noun, which
is typically in S (intransitive subject) or O (direct object) function, in terms
of its shape, consistency, and animacy. Example 1.7, from Waris, a Papuan
language (Brown 1981: 96), shows how the classifier put- 'round objects' is
used with the verb 'get' to characterize its direct-object argument, 'coconut'.

   1.7. sa      ka-m   put-ra-ho-o
        coconut lso-to VCL:ROUND-GET-BENEFACT-IMPERATIVE
        'Give me a coconut' (lit. 'coconut to-me round.one-give')

--6. rarer forms: Locative / Deictic classifiers-- 
LOCATIVE CLASSIFIERS: occur on locative adpositions
from Pa1ikur, an Arawak language from Brazil.
	'on your (vertical) arm'  / 'on (branch-like) tree'

DEICTIC CLASSIFIERS. associated with deictics and articles are called
from Mandan, a Siouan language (Barron and Serzisko 1982: 99):
	'this one (lying)'  / 'this one (sitting)'

Classifier Systems

The term 'classifier systems' is used to denote a continuum of methods of
noun categorization. Well-known systems, such as the lexical numeral
classifiers of Southeast Asia, on the one hand, and the highly grammaticalized
gender agreement classes of Indo-European languages, on the
other, are the extremes of this continuum.

Linguistics as Induction


  	The only useful generalizations about language are inductive
  	generalizations. Features which we think ought to be universal may be
  	absent from the very next language that becomes accessible.... The
  	fact that some features are, at any rate, widespread, is worthy of
  	notice and calls for an explanation; when we have adequate data about
  	many languages, we shall have to return to the problem of general
  	grammar and to explain these similarities and divergences, but this
  	study, when it comes, will not be speculative but inductive.
	 	 	Bloomfield, L. (1933). Language. Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Variation in Gender (agreement) classes

In Ket gender can vary only for inanimates (Dul'son 1968: 62 ff., Krejnovic
1961). Then, for instance, a growing tree is masculine, a cutdown tree is
inanimate; an upright tree is masculine, and a tree with a curved trunk is
feminine. 

In languages with shape-based genders spoken in the East Sepik region of New
Guinea, change in (covert) gender of most inanimate nouns signals change in
shape (see Bruce 1984, on Alamblak). 

In Manambu (Ndu family) nouns which denote male humans and higher animates
and long and thin inanimate objects are masculine, while those which denote
female humans and higher animates, and short and round objects, are
feminine. Consequently, nema-de wi (big-MASC house) is used to refer to 'a
big house' (which is not necessarily long, or high). 24

[FN 24 A smallish woman-like man can occasionally be treated as feminine, and
a largeish woman can be treated as masculine. The use of a different gender
is impossible when the shape cannot be changed (turtles are 'round' and
always feminine), or when the 'masculinity' is culturally important. Descent
is strictly patrilineal, and so the word gwalugw 'patrilineal clan' is
masculine. Morphologically, gwal-ugw is the plural form of gwal which means
'father's child (female or male)' and 'father's father'.]

Along similar lines, in Kxoe (Khoisan; Heine 1982a: 198) an inanimate
noun stem can be allocated to masculine or feminine gender depending on
its shape: masculine is associated with big, long, rectangular, and feminine
with small, round, broad, e.g. ngu 'hut', ngu-ma 'big rectangular hut
(masc.)'; ngu-he 'small, round hut (fem.)'.

Semantic choices may be more complex. Turkana (East Nilotic:
Dimmendaal 1983: 220) has three genders: masculine, feminine, and
neuter. By changing the gender of an animate noun, specific reference
can be made to a male, female or a young of the species:

	masc. e-gete 'male antelope'
	fem,  a-gete' 'female antelope'
	neut. i-gete 'small antelope of either sex'

A number of nouns referring to inanimates allow variable gender. Some
have two forms — masculine and feminine, e.g. 'grass' and 'tree'. Masculine
forms mean 'growing, green', and feminine forms mean 'dead, dry state',
e.g.
	masc. ni-na 'green grass'
	fem. na-na' 'dry grass'

Some inanimate nouns have three gender forms. The opposition of the
three is by size, e.g.
	masc. e-mor-u 'rocky mountain, big stone'
	fem. a-mor-u 'hill stone'
	neut. i-mor-u 'pebble'

Dyirbal

[this proto-Australian language provides the catchy title of Lakoff's
seminal text; "women, fire and dangersous things" constitute the gender
class CL2 as described by Dixon].  

Semantic assignment can be more complex. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 306-12)
has four classes. Three are associated with one or more basic concepts:

	gender CL1, bayi :  male humans, non-human animates; 
	       	    	      e.g. men, kangaroos, possums, bats, most
   			      snakes, most fishes, some birds, most insects,
   			      the moon, storms, rainbows, boomerangs, some
   			      spears, etc.
	gender CL2, balan : female humans, water, fire, fighting; women,
	       	    	      bandicoots, dogs, platypus, echidna, some
	       	    	      snakes+fishes, most birds, fireflies,
	       	    	      scorpions, criekets, the hairy mary grub,
	       	    	      anything connected with water or fire, sun and
	       	    	      stars, shields, some spears, some trees, etc.
	gender CL3, balam: non-flesh food.  all edible fruit and the plants
	       	    	      that bear them, tubers, ferns, honey,
	       	    	      cigarettes, wine, cake.
	gender CL4, bala : a residue class, covering everything else.
      	    	      parts of the body, meat, bees, wind, yamsticks,
      	    	      some spears, most trees, grass, mud, stones,
      	    	      noises and language, etc.

There are also two rules for 'transferring' gender membership. By the
first, an object can be assigned to a gender by its mythological
association rather than by its actual semantics. Birds are classed as
feminine by mythological association since women's souls are believed to
enter birds after death. The second transfer rule is that if a subset of a
certain group of objects has a particular important property, e.g., being
dangerous, it can be assigned to a different class from the other nouns in
that group. Most trees without edible parts belong to gender 4, but
stinging trees are placed in gender 2.

Many languages allow variable noun class marking on a number of nouns
like 'baby' and 'child', on some kinship terms and some inanimates. In
Dyirbal, bimu is both 'father's elder sister' (taking a feminine gender
marker) and 'father's elder brother' (masculine marker). Jaja 'baby' can
be specified as either masculine or feminine. (Alternately, these may be
viewed as different lexemes.)

The degree of variability in agreement class assignment depends on the
language. In Dyirbal, variable class assignment is restricted to sexd-ifferentiable
animals; the Class 1/Class 2 correlation with male/female is
obligatory for humans. Each name of an animal has a fixed class membership;
however, exceptionally, noun class assignment can be changed to
stress the sex of a particular animal, e.g. 'to point out that a certain dog
is male bayi guda can be used' (Dixon 1982: 182). Usually, guda 'dog'
belongs to Class 2 (Dixon 1982: 180), and so the 'unmarked' usage would
be balan guda. Very occasionally, changing noun class can create a
pragmatic effect. In Dyirbal, yara 'man' belongs to Class 1, and so would
be referred to as bayi yara. However, Dixon (1982: 166) reports that a
hermaphrodite was once jokingly referred to as balan yara, with a feminine
Class 2 marker, pointing out his female characteristics. In this case, the
manipulation of noun class realized in agreement has pragmatic, as well as
semantic effect.  

Functions of noun class variation


The choice of noun class agreement depends on what aspect of the noun is
highlighted. Some northern Australian languages allow different agreement
possibilities for certain nouns depending on the 'viewpoint' from
which the referent is seen (Evans forthcoming: 108). In Gunwinjgu kukku
'water, drink' triggers Class 4 ('neuter') agreement when it is seen as a part
of the landscape:

 2.21   kun-ekke        kukku  kun-bo-gimuk
        CL4:NEUTER-that water  CL4:NEUTER-CL:LIQUID-big
        'That water (i.e. river) is big.'

When considered a drink, it is assigned to Class 3 (which also covers
vegetable food).
  2.22  yun   yi-bongu-n          man-ih                       kukku
        don't 2SG-drink-NON.PAST  CL3:NON.FLESH.FOOD-this.here water

In Tamil, rational nouns (which include humans, gods, and other mythical
beings) cannot be conjoined [combined with "and"] with irrational ones. p.56

Tamil classifiers: rational / irrational

In wiki:  Tamil grammar (wiki), nouns (and pronouns) are classified
into two super-classes (tiṇai) - the "rational" (uyartiṇai), and the
"irrational" (aḵṟiṇai) - which include a total of five classes (paal, which
literally means 'gender'). Humans and deities are classified as "rational",
and all other nouns (animals, objects, abstract nouns) are classified as
irrational. The "rational" nouns and pronouns belong to one of three
classes (paal) - masculine singular, feminine singular, and rational
plural. The plural form for rational nouns may be used as an honorific,
gender-neutral, singular form. The "irrational" nouns and pronouns belong
to one of two classes (paal) - irrational singular and irrational
plural.[3] As the example in the table indicates, the paal is often
indicated through suffixes.

Rational (uyartiṇai)
   He who did            ceytavaṉ    sg masc rational   āṇpāl
   She who did           ceytavaḷ    sg fem rational    peṇpāl           
   They who did          ceytavar    pl rational        palarpāl

Irrational (aḵṟiṇai)
   That which did        ceytatu     sg irrational      oṉṟaṉpāl         
   Those ones which did  ceytavai    pl irrational      palaviṉpāl
]

Metaphors in classifier systems


Metaphors and metaphorical transfers (see the definition in Sapir 1977: 6)
are important for the semantic organization of classes and the ways in
which they get extended. This can be illustrated from the semantic organization
of numeral classifiers in Burmese described by Becker (1975;
1986). The structure of underlying Burmese categorization is based on an
interpretation of self-see Table 12.1. As Becker (1975: 118) puts it, 'the
structure underlying classification starts with the self at the centre, divides
the self into head and body, and then ranges objects at four distances from
the self, associating them either with the head (metaphorically top, round)
or with the body (metaphorically, bottom, straight)'. The system of categorization
operates on 'applied metaphors'; thus 'head to the body' is the
same as 'cup to saucer', and so on; the relationship above/below is basic for
categorization. Moreover, since several of the classifiers are words for parts
of a tree, one can say that 'the tree is the metaphor for the person'.

  BURMESE NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS for inanimate objects (Table 12.1)
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
  1st Orbit       2nd Orbit         3rd Orbit              4th Orbit          
  Self:           On self           Near self              Far from self      
  part of self    (alienable)                                                 
  (inalienable)     
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
  ywc' (head):    pain:             loun:                  sin:                
  hair on head    head-dress        round, upper things:   upper things which  
  leaf                              posts                  have circular orbit:
                                    furniture              sun                 
                                    cup                    nvers, sea          
                                    script                 arrows              
                                                           needles             
                                                                               
  chaun (body):   kwin:             cha':                  si:                 
  hair on body    body dress        flat, lower things:    lower things which  
  fingers, toes   body ornaments    boards                 move in straight    
  teeth           the:              mats                   lines:              
  pin:            folded clothes    saucer                 vehicles                         
  sticks                            palmleaf for writing   hunted animals      
  twigs                             le':                   horses              
  pens                              instruments used in    dupes               
                                    the hand; swords;      thwt:               
                                    musical instruments;   rivers              
                                    puppets                roads                    
  -----------------------------------------------------------------------------

[Semantically] "the classifier is selected from a kind of conceptual space
which has been historically shaped." (Becker 1986: 337)

Thus, in Burmese, 'unless one knows that the traditional Burmese pictorial
map of the cosmos has man located on an island, from the centre of which
flows a river in a spiral course to the sea, one may question why rivers and
oceans are classified here along with arrows and needles, which move in
circular orbits' (Becker 1975: 118).  Rhetorical uses of classifiers are
further extensions of metaphors, and 'the use of classifiers in Burmese
... is in part an art and not just a grammatical convention' (Becker 1975:
113).

Gender distinctions can be used metaphorically in languages with no, or
almost no, agreement gender. Ilocano (Austronesian: Rubino 1997: 75-6) does
not have genders; the natural gender of humans may be distinguished
lexically, e.g. lalaki 'boy', babai 'girl'. These lexemes are also used to
distinguish natural gender of hybrid nouns, e.g. kabsat a lalaki 'brother',
kabsat a babai 'sister'. They can also cooccur with inanimates, highlighting
semantic features associated with a metaphorical extension of 'masculinity'
or 'femininity'. For instance, basi a lalaki 'strong sugar cane wine' is
associated with masculinity; and basi a babai 'sweet sugar cane wine' with
femininity.

Gender languages often manipulate gender in legends. Personification of
nouns with inanimate or abstract referents follows the gender which is
assigned by non-semantic rules. For instance, Russian smert' 'death' is
feminine and so is personified as a woman in folk tales and cartoons
(Rothstein 1973: 464). [FN. which came first, can't be said] 
Similarly, morte 'death', a feminine noun in Portuguese, is depicted as Dona
Morte (Lady Death) in cartoons.

Change of genders can have a stylistic effect. Some nouns of feminine
gender, essentially hostile epithets, can be applied to human beings.
According to Rothstein (1973: 464), in Russian it is more insulting to
call a man dura (fool: feminine) than durak (fool: masculine) (cf. (C) in
§11.2.1; on the use of masculine diminutives of feminine names to express
affective jocularity in Polish, see Wierzbicka 1996: 398). p.313

Degree of productivity


Some systems accept metaphorical extensions more easily than othersthis
happens because systems differ in their productivity. The productivity,
or vitality, of a system is measured by its ability to accept and classify new
members, and reanalyse and extend the semantic range of a noun categorization
device over time. Thai has an old classifier system which has great
vitality and productivity; the more productive a system is, the more metaphorical
and other types of extensions it accepts. In contrast, the Jacaltec
system of noun classifiers can be looked upon as frozen. New loanwords
are simply left unclassified; the system does not accept semantic extensions
either (Craig forthcoming). Frozen or non-productive systems do not have
to be in decay, though they sometimes are, as is the case of many classifier
systems changing due to language obsolescence and contact.


The Thai TUA classfiier


An instructive example of prototype-and-extension in a multiple classifier
system comes from the classifier tua in Thai. 

Carpenter (1987: 45-6) gives the following explanation of the extension
and chaining principles which apply to tua (semantic features annotated by
Aikhenvald in small caps): 

   [Tua] covers a wide, but not incoherent, range of things. The articles of
   clothing used with /tua/ are trousers, shirts, jackets, skirts, and, less
   often, dresses, underwear and bathing suits. The items of furniture most
   likely to be used with /tua/ are tables and chairs, and less often,
   dressers and beds. These assignments suggests that it is THE PRESENCE OF
   LIMBS, giving these objects a body-like shape, that causes speakers to
   classify them with /tua/. Originally, the classifier was used with
   animals, and the PROTOTYPE is probably some good QUADRUPEDAL ANIMAL, such
   as a dog or a water buffalo. Tables and chairs were included on the basis
   of SHAPE, either because of their general quadrupedal outline or perhaps
   because of the specific presence of limbs.  Other kinds of furniture were
   then added because of their shared FUNCTION with tables and
   chairs. Trousers and shirts were also included because of their their
   wearer, or specifically because they have limbs. Other kinds of clothing
   were included because of their SHAPES. A letter (of the alphabet) in Thai
   is a compound, /tua nangseu/ 'body book', so a combination of shape and
   repetition of the generic compound head caused letters to be classified
   with /tua/. Numbers were included either on the basis of shape or by their
   shared function with letters.

The structure of the category is schematized in Diagram 12.1 (Carpenter 1987:
46). Lines indicate extensions from a prototypical member to less
prototypical ones (Carpenter 1987: 45-6; cf. Downing 1996: 101-2).

	Underwear, bathing suit         
	    \
	     Skirts                             Cabinets, dressers, beds
	       \                                /
	      Trousers, shirts          Tables, chairs
	                      \        /
	                        ANIMALS 
	                /          |           \
	          Ghosts        Mannequins      Letters (alphabet)
	                                             \
	                                            Numbers

	 	Fig 2.1 Structure of the tua category in Thai

Similarly, ghosts were included because of their similarity with the shape
of a human body. Carpenter concludes: 'The internal structure of this
category, then, clearly, mixes prototypes and chains, with strongest members
being those closest to an animate quadruped, but some chaining based
on similarities to non-prototypical members.'

Opacity in classifier assignment


Opacity in classifier assignment can be due to semantic extensions that are
explainable but unpredictable. Table 12.2 illustrates human classification in
Burmese based on social status and age (Becker 1975: 116) and its extensions
to human attributes.

["Explainable but unpredictable": 
AM: but what part of language is "predictable"? this reveals the
 	human preference for clear rules...] 


Polysemy or metaphor?

A problem may arise in how to distinguish metaphors from polysemy. For
instance, in Kilivila (Senft 1996: 19) a 'dinghy' can be referred to with a
classifier 'child', as well as 'wooden', e.g. ma-gudi-na waga ke-kekita
(this-ci.ctut.o-this canoe ci.woonsx-small) 'this small dinghy'. This can be
interpreted in two ways: either as a metaphorical extension (child > small
object), or a polysemy: child, any small creature, or object. 

We think that a decision should be made in terms of language-internal
criteria on what is literal and what is metaphorical meaning, before there
is a universally accepted 'serviceable' 'clarification of the distinction
... between conventional metaphor and systematic polysemy', to 'separate
(even provisionally) the literal from the metaphorical ... we need to
accommodate the fact that over time metaphorical expression-systems may
lose their metaphorical duality and assume the status of literal meanings,
as when body-part terms become locational adpositions' (Goddard 1996:
150). This change is somewhat similar to semantic processes which take
place in grammaticalization. p.314

[AM: why is it so important to make this classification? why not a
    continuum between polysemy and metaphor? ]

Similar metaphorical extensions are found in other languages. In Bugis,
tau 'human classifier' is usually employed for counting people; however,
classifier lise 'small spherical objects' can be used for counting people who
died in a war, presumably, because the heads of dead enemies used to be cut
off and people were counted by their heads (Sirk 1983: 63).

Thus, the composition of a classifier category and its expansion may be
hard to predict. Though it is often possible for an analyst to suggest a
rationale for the inclusion of most members of a given category, this may
have not been the actual rationale employed by speakers. There is also a
certain degree of unpredictability associated with social and cultural
conventions. p.315

Hierarchical classifiers


Classifier categories are semantically heterogeneous. There have been a few
attempts to present the semantic organization of classifiers in terms of
taxonomic trees and binary oppositions (Denny 1979a; 1979b; see criticism
by Downing 1996: 125); however a superordinate-subordinate approach
has limited applicability to classifier systems.

The reason why superordinacy relations are limited and are unlikely to
involve all the classifiers lies in the coexistence of different and
cross-cutting semantic rationales (kind and quality classifiers), and on
different types of extension.

Some referents are included in more than one class...  Thus, a sword in
Japanese can be referred to by a shape-based classifier hon 'long, slender
object', by a kind classifier Juri 'sword', or by a functionbased quality
classifier ten 'items in an inventory, works of art'. It is also impossible
to make all shape-based classifiers superordinate to kind classifiers which
possess appropriate shape, because kind classifiers may unite referents of
different shapes (e.g. the verbal classifier -pit used for any irregular
shape object in Palikur). Other problems with creating distinct taxonomies
result from a generic classifier, such as Japanese tsu, which participates in
all of them.

There are hardly any hierarchical relations in the assignment of noun
classes (genders), deictic or locative classifiers; hence the discrepancies
between scientific and folk taxonomies and noun categorization devices.
Assignment of relational classifiers implies a functional categorization of
objects, with no clear-cut hierarchical relations.

The few Japanese numeral classifiers which have superordinate-subordinate
relation are given in Table 12.3. In all these cases 'the more general term
[can] be used for all members of the category denoted by a more specific
term' (Downing 1996: 126).

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Hierarchy in (some) Japanese numeral classifiers
Superordinate-subordinate pairs

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Superordinate                              Subordinate
1. dai 'vehicles, furniture, machines'     ki 'air vehicles', ryo 'train cars',
                                           taku 'tables, desks'
2. hen 'literary work'                     shu 'poems' (long), ku 'poems' (short)
3. hiki 'animals'                          too 'large animals'
4. heya 'rooms'                            shitsu 'rooms', ma 'Japanese style rooms'
5. nin 'human beings'                      mei 'human beings' (honorific)
6. hon 'long, thin objects'                juri 'swords'
7. tsu 'inanimates'                        most inanimate kind-classifiers

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------


The situation is different with generics. The generic-specific taxonomy can
be nature-based, or functionally defined (produce, pets, food, prey).
Evidence from Yidiny shows a hierarchical relation between the two
(cooccurrence of the two, i.e. 'person' plus 'man', or 'person' plus
'woman'), which is by no means universal (see §3.2.1 and 3.4 above).

Thus, a taxonomic approach to classifiers may be useful, but only in
limited circumstances. 

Culture-specific metaphorical extensions


Metaphoric extensions of sex- and animacy-based noun classes and classifiers
to inanimates are often linked to the socio-cultural stereotypes associated
with sex. In a fascinating study of sex roles as revealed through gender
reference, Mathiot (1979) showed how role images of males and females are
realized in the use of personal pronouns. The use of the pronouns he and she
observed with inanimate referents in American English was found to correlate
with a number of stereotyped features-part of the inherent image
and role image American men and women have of themselves, and of each
other. 

The semantic opposition BEAUTIFUL / UGLY manifests men's conception
of women's vs. men's appearance; and the semantic opposition manifesting
men's conception of women's and men's achievement potential is INCOMPETENT/
COMPETENT. Thus a beautiful flower is referred to as 'she', and an ugly
cactus as 'he' (Mathiot 1979: 18-19). In contrast, the inherent image and
role image American women have of themselves and of men can be formulated
in one semantic opposition: MATUREhNFANTILE (Mathiot 1979: 25).
Regular po1ysemy of feminine and diminutive in Afroasiatic languages is
often accounted for by the low and subdued status of women in traditional
Afroasiatic speaking societies (Diakonoff 1988). This is another example of
a correlation between gender and social status.

In a few New Guinea languages with masculine and feminine genders,
masculine is associated with culturally important roles, and feminine with
insignificant things. This is the case in Angave, an Angan language (Speece
n.d.: 111), and in Abu' Arapesh (OUo Nekitel, p.c.). Robert Conrad (p.c.)
reports that in Felefita, an Arapesh language (Torricelli phylum), masculine
can replace any other gender provided the object is sufficiently important.
In coastal Arapesh languages, this results in the massive expansion of
masculine gender, which has become the unmarked one.

Semantic extension principles, such as the Myth-and-Belief principle and
Important Property principles in Dyirbal (see Dixon 1982), are based on
cultural intricacies. Once they become obsolescent, the classifier assignment
becomes opaque. 347

Rapid grammatical change

The principles of noun class assignment can be affected by cultural
obsolescence. 

Traditional Dyirbal had four semantically assigned noun classes (§2.4.1).
Young People's Dyirbal has gradually simplified its noun class system so
that it became similar to the way he, she, it are used in English. The noun
class referring to 'non-flesh food' was lost. The scope of noun Class 2 was
reduced and came to be reserved only for females (it used to include water,
fire, and things associated with fighting). Gender assignment by mythical
association was lost; exceptions became regularized; and the use of the
residue class was expanded (Schmidt 1985). Dahalo (Cushitic) is losing
ground to Swahili, and is accordingly losing the common Cushitic distinction
of masculine and feminine gender (Dimmendaal p.c.). 390

Schmidt (1985: 156-7) describes a series of changes in
rules for noun class assignment in Young People's Dyirbal. Mythological
association as a basis for class membership is lost. In traditional times
birds were believed to be spirits of dead human females, and consequently
assigned to Class Il, 'feminine'. With the loss of this belief, speakers of
Young People's Dyirbal treat birds as members of the 'animate' Class 1. [40]

Another distinguishing feature of change in language obsolescence and
creolization is its speed: drastic grammatical restructuring sometimes
happens within a short timespan (see Schmidt 1985: 213, on Young
People's Dyirbal); areal diffusion within linguistic areas is usually slower
(Aikhenvald 1996a).

FN 40 Other changes may be due to overall simplification of the system to make
   it more similar to gender in English. This may explain why concept
   association is also abandoned (Schmidt 1985: 157). Traditional Dyirbal
   assigned yarra 'fishing line' and barrban 'fish spear' to Class I, by
   association withjahu 'fish'; speakers of Young People's Dyirbal place
   these two words into Class IV. with other inanimates. p. 349

Dixon, R. M. W (1968). 'Noun Classes', Lingua 21: 104-25.
__ (1972). The Dyirbal Language of North Queensland. Cambridge: Cambridge
    University Press.
__ (ed.) (1976). Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages. Canberra:
    Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies.
__(1982). Where Have All the Adjectives Gone? and other essays in semantics
    and syntax. Berlin: Mouton.
__(1986). 'Noun Classes and Noun Classification in Typological
    Perspective', in Craig (1986a: 105-12).
Mathiot, M. (ed.) (1979). Ethnology: Boas, Sapir and Whorf Revisited. The
   Hague: Mouton.
__ and Roberts, M. (1979). 'Sex Roles as Revealed through Referential Gender in
   American English', in Mathiot (1979: 1-47).



amitabha mukerjee (mukerjee [at-symbol] gmail) 2012 Jun 09